A Voice Of My Own ...

Prime Minister Khanal addresses the meeting of Inter-government delegation on the sideline of LDCs conference

2011-05-09T04:31:00.000-07:00

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Opening Remarks by the Rt. Hon. Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal at the Meeting of the Heads of State/Governments/Delegations of the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Istanbul, Turkey

8 May 2011

Distinguished fellow Heads of State and Government of LDCs,

His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary General of the United Nations,

His Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss, President of the General Assembly

Representatives of the Parliamentary, Civil Society and Private Sector Tracks,

Distinguished delegates,

First of all, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to you for coming here to attend this important informal meeting to share our thoughts as we prepare for the formal beginning of the UNLDC conference tomorrow. I am particularly thankful to you all for attending it despite your long journey from home. I would like to make it as brief and as focused as possible.

As the host of the LDC conference, Turkey has been all along with us in our long process of preparation of the meeting. Both in substantive terms and in facilitation, we have seen exemplary commitment of Turkey to the cause of LDCs, for which we are most grateful. This is a clear example of solidarity and empathy.

We are privileged to have with us the UN Secretary General who has always been at the forefront in highlighting the cause of the LDCs as the most vulnerable group within the UN system. We are thankful to you, Mr. Secretary General, for your wholehearted support, advocacy, commitment as well as your leadership role in mobilizing UN system-wide support in favor of LDCs.

I thank the President of the UN General Assembly for pursuing the LDC agenda with clear priority as well as for organizing various thematic debates and important events at the General Assembly. I welcome and thank the representatives of the Parliamentary, Civil Society and Private Sector Tracks for their consistent advocacy of LDC issues and support.

This Conference is taking place at a very difficult time. LDCs do not only face the traditional challenge of structural constraints and low human development, now they have to face complex and multiple challenges of food, fuel and economic crises and their combined impacts. Climate change has further aggravated our situation. The number of the poor in the LDCs remains unreasonably high with a high rate of unemployment, which is a source of instability. Therefore this Conference must come forward with a clear, comprehensive and action-oriented outcome to address the multi-dimensional problems of poverty and hunger. This calls for right mix of national policies as well as targeted and robust international support measures and mechanisms.

The successful conclusion of the high level conference of the MDG last year in New York gives us some hope. We stressed there that there will be no MDGs without LDCs. Our ambition is to enable at least half of us to reach the stage of graduation by the end of the implementation of the next program of action. We believe that we can accomplish this objective through structural transformation. For this, we need sustained and equitable economic growth that depends, inter alia, on productive capacity building with particular emphasis on infrastructure development. Enhanced market access and capacity to trade, investment in productive sectors and in technology and innovation will be critically important to our success.

While development is, first and foremost, our own responsibility, we cannot, however, achieve that without a renewed and strengthened global partnership. The existing international support measures are not enough to address LDCs’ multiple vulnerabilities and structural constraints. Therefore, an enhanced and scaled-up global partnership and solidarity with the LDCs becomes an absolute necessity. We need additionalities in all core areas of resources - ODA, trade, FDI and debt relief. In addition to support from the traditional development partners, we also need enhanced level of support from emerging South, consistent with their capabilities.

Let me stress here that the UN LDC conference takes place only once every ten years and it is the only dedicated conference on 48 LDCs. This conference, therefore, assumes special significance to the LDCs and the world at large. This could be made successful with clear deliverables. International system should be more responsive to the concerns and aspirations of the LDCs. LDCs increased and strengthened participation in multilateral institutions including IFIs as well as other international processes and fora will be essential towards this end.

It is our collective responsibility and therefore we must have stronger outcome to instill hope and expectations. Humanity demands it. Our common self-enlightened interests call for it. Our common security and global peace necessitates it.

Let me stress here that this is also an opportunity for the international community to bring about a change in the lives of the people collectively through an ambitious, forward-looking and result-oriented outcome from Istanbul.

When we agree to have a vision of graduating half of LDCs by 2021, the supportive measures should be commensurate with our vision. This will give a strong message of solidarity and hope to more than 800 million people. All of us should be guided by this approach to make this Conference a success. Thank you.

Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal addresses Parliamentary Forum on the sideline of LDC Conference in Turkey

2011-05-09T04:29:00.001-07:00

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Speech at the Parliamentary Forum

Istanbul, 8 May 2011

The Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union,

His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki moon, the Secretary General of the United Nations

His Excellency Mr. Mehemet Ali Sahin, Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of the Republic of Turkey,

Distinguished Parliamentarians,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a matter of great honor and pleasure for me to attend the opening of the Parliamentary Forum on the occasion of the Fourth United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries (UNLDC IV) here in this beautiful historical city of Istanbul. I would like to take this opportunity to extend my most sincere thanks to the organizers of this Forum – the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU), the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and OHRLLS for taking this very important initiative and for inviting me to this opening event today.

Parliaments are supreme national institutions representing the people. And parliamentarians ensure the most direct links between the government and the people. The roles and responsibilities of the people’s representative as a parliamentarian are, therefore, crucial for the progressive enhancement of the welfare and wellbeing of the common people in general. We believe that the democratic exercise and development dividends are inextricably linked. Since people are at the centre of development, we must make sure that accountability to the people and service delivery are ensured in an institutional manner. From that perspective, this meeting has a special value and significance.

It is a matter of great satisfaction to note that the Inter Parliamentary Union, a world organization of national parliaments, has been taking a growing interest in the areas of peace and security and development issues in a comprehensive manner, including the issues of the most vulnerable groups like the Least Developed Countries. LDCs face very specific and deep rooted problems as they are at the bottom of the development ladder. Their combined structural constraints and low level of economic development has made them much more vulnerable to many global shocks. In particular, the food, fuel, financial and economic crises have made their situation all the more difficult. It is therefore that we seek a comprehensive and result oriented outcome that takes into account both the traditional and new challenges and ensures a higher level of global partnership. This is the time for solidarity, as we are focusing on the plights of the poor and marginalized groups of people.

The Brussels Program of Action undertook seven commitments including one on good governance. And this is an area where the national parliaments could play an important role by way of overseeing the implementation of such commitments through the budgetary process, and through necessary legislation. This would not only promote national leadership and ownership but also facilitate the effective implementation of the programs. It is from this perspective that the IPU came forward with the endorsement of the Brussels Program of Action (BPOA) in a resolution issued at the 108^th IPU Conference in Chile in 2003, in which it laid stress on the need for the effective implementation of Commitment 2, on good governance. Building good governance has since remained an important focus area of the IPU in respect of the LDCs. And I am sure that the good governance will be looked at comprehensively both at the national as well as international levels. I would like to stress that the parliamentary track of LDC IV will be of immense significance in mobilizing and expanding the support base for the LDCs at various levels.

I admire that this Forum is focusing itself on the ‘review of the role of LDC parliaments in the implementation of BPOA over the past decade and identify successes, lessons learnt and challenges faced’ and ‘promote parliamentary action on all issues on the LDC IV agenda, and ensure parliamentary participation in the implementation and review of the new program of action.’ The deliberations from this Forum will immensely contribute to the success of the conference.

Enhanced national ownership and a coordinated involvement of both the legislative and the executive branches of government in the preparation and execution of the new program of action, as highlighted by the Parliamentary track, is one of the crucial elements for the success of any program to be designed for the next decade. We all know that parliamentary oversight of government policies and programs would be helpful in ensuring proper and effective implementation of the programs.

I am sure the genuine concerns and the commitments of this Forum here and in the lead up to this point at various levels across the globe deserve proper recognition and support. It is important, as we make a collective endeavour to address the problems of the LDCs and accelerate the pace of their graduation as early as possible.

With this, I offer my best wishes for the success of this Forum.

Thank you.

Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal addresses the Fourth UN Conference on LDCs in Turkey

2011-05-09T04:25:00.000-07:00

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Address by the Rt. Hon. Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal at the Opening of the Fourth UNLDC Conference in Istanbul, Turkey

9 May 2011

Mr. Chairman,

His Excellency the President of the Republic of Turkey and Chair of the Conference,

Their Excellencies the Heads of State and Government of LDCs and Partner Countries,

His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary General of the United Nations,

Hon. Parliamentarians,

Distinguished Heads of Delegations,

Representatives from the Civil Society and the Private Sector,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I bring with me greetings and best wishes from the people of Nepal, a country situated on the lap of Mt. Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest) and widely known for being the sacred birthplace of Lord Buddha, the Apostle of Peace to this august assembly and for the success of this Conference.

On behalf of all the Least Developed Countries, let me begin by expressing our sincere appreciation to the Government and people of the Republic of Turkey for so graciously hosting the fourth UN LDC Conference in Istanbul with enthusiasm, empathy and commitment. I would particularly like to put on record our grateful thanks to His Excellency President Abdullah Gul and His Excellency Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan of the Republic of Turkey both of whom have consistently supported the cause of the LDCs and taken a deep personal interest in the success of this historic event. This is indeed a fine reflection of the great tradition of Turkey, a country which not only distinguishes itself for its civilization, history and modernization but also for the great economic strides it has made in recent years. Furthermore, true to its character as a bridge connecting Asia, Africa and Europe, today it has demonstrated itself as a link between the LDCs and the rest of the world to create a new future for the LDCs. It is, therefore, so fitting that this Conference is being held in this beautiful and vibrant city of Istanbul in Turkey.

Let me also express our appreciation to the UN Secretary General Mr. Ban Ki-moon for your consistent leadership and strong stewardship of this Conference. Working together with all for a new vision and stronger promises, we would like to begin a new dawn of hope and confidence for the more than 800 million people living in the LDCs.

Mr. Chairman,

As we look forward to a new dawn of hope and expectations, we should also not be oblivious to the facts of past history which bequeathed to us political and economic order of a certain kind which needs to be fundamentally transformed in order to properly address the lingering problems of poverty and least development. Timely restructuring and reform of some of the global institutions including the UN in order to make them more effective in meeting the present and future needs and expectations of the most needy and vulnerable segments of the international community is a must. The fact that the number of the LDCs has grown from 25 in 1971 to 48 at present clearly suggests that there are flaws somewhere in our development paradigm. This calls for a serious attention of the international community to address the inequities in the current global political and economic order and injudicious use of resources. Therefore, it is high time we considered these critical issues in all seriousness while we try to find solutions together to new and emerging problems confronting humanity as a whole today.

Mr. Chairman,

We live in an age of globalization. Our ways of life have been transformed. The speed and contours of these changes are unpredictable. Unprecedented opportunities abound in the world, if only we have the capability to reap due benefits from them. At the same time, it is also a source of great stress and challenge for those who are either marginalized or face huge structural impediments. For the first time in human history, we have the means and the requisite tools at our disposal to free the world from absolute poverty. That is entirely possible with our strong collective will and determination. Yet we still have more than a billion people living below the poverty line and most of them in the LDCs. The challenge is how to match our expectations with genuine will and commitment. This Conference in my view is all about our collective will and a strong resolve to make that happen for the larger welfare and wellbeing of humanity as a whole.

A UN Conference of this kind dedicated entirely to the cause of the LDCs takes place only once in a decade. Therefore, it assumes special significance to us as well as the international community. It should chart out an ambitious yet realistic and forward looking vision with a result oriented program of action. It is not only important from a moral imperative, it is also in the enlightened self-interest of the international community to reduce volatility and ensure peace, equity and prosperity around the world through inclusive upliftment of us all.

Since our last conference in Brussels a decade ago, LDCs have made progress in some of the areas of human and social development, in particular, in gender empowerment, education and health. We are glad to note that the institutionalization of democracy and good governance has made good headway. LDC governments have formulated pro-poor development strategies with appropriate focus on macroeconomic stability and equity. We express our sincere appreciation to all our development partners and the international community for their consistent support and cooperation in the last one decade. This has made a lot of difference in the lives of the people in the LDCs.

While we have covered some grounds in the last one decade, we have a long way to go. The Brussels Program of Action still remains an unfinished agenda. The incidences of poverty, scale of deprivation, lack of essential services, deep structural constraints and paucity of energy and infrastructure have significantly hindered our development prospects. More than half the people in the LDCs still live below the poverty line and two thirds of them live with less than 2 dollars a day. LDCs are most off-track in meeting the Millennium Goals. Basic services that many take for granted in different parts of the world are simply unavailable to the people in the LDCs. Women have to walk hours to fetch water every day. Children have to trek long to attend school. The availability and access to basic health services are also acutely limited. While LDCs represent about 12 per cent of the global population, their share of global merchandise trade and global GDP remains around I per cent.

Mr. Chairman,

The compound impacts of the series of global crises from economic and financial to fuel and food have made the life of the poor people in LDCs untenable. Many LDCs are net food importers. The consistent rise in the food prices is already making food insecurity a major concern for us all. So is the spiraling price of fuel with its widespread effects on the general price level. Global economic and financial crises are still having delayed impacts on us as they are affecting resource flow into the LDCs including investment, tourism and remittances. Impacts of climate change is disproportionately affecting the livelihood of our people, because of our over dependence on natural resources and the least adaptive capacity. Melting of glaciers in the Himalayas in Nepal, recurrent and ravaging floods in the coastal plains of Bangladesh, salinization of water and sea-level rise in the Pacific Island LDCs, growing desertification and water stress in sub Saharan African LDCs, new and virulent strains of diseases, impacts on agriculture and livelihoods due to changing weather patterns are the hard realities of life of our people. They are a chilling reminder to us that climate change impacts are real and happening now.

Let me narrate one example from Nepal. In the last one decade, we have made progress in rural energy and infrastructure, considering our low development base. Micro-hydro, solar energy and biogas have transformed the lives of many of our people having access to them now. So is the case of rural connectivity with roads and communications. Resources, right policy framework and a multi-stakeholder approach have made all the difference. Since its coverage is still very limited, our challenge now is to scale them up substantially and sustain them. Yet, resources are key constraints to replicate and expand them more widely and rapidly.

Mr. Chairman,

We have the highest level of inequality at the global level today than at any time in history. This level of inequality and vulnerability is unsustainable as it only breeds instability and conflict. In other words, we face a kind of developmental emergency in the LDCs. Therefore we call for urgent and comprehensive action to build resilience and address vulnerabilities. From our point of view this conference offers us an opportunity to focus our minds on these complex issues in a coherent manner.

We have diversity among us also. Many of us are landlocked, small island states, coastal states, arid or semi-arid countries and countries in or emerging from conflict. But what brings us together is our low level of income, low human development and extreme vulnerability. Combined effects of these factors together with locational or situational disadvantage make our conditions extremely precarious. As such the support measures have to be coherent, comprehensive and sustained. Feeble and disjointed efforts will hardly bring the desired result. Therefore, our vision and pathways are very clear.

We are aiming high to graduate half of the LDCs from this status in the next decade. The goals that we have set for ourselves therefore must receive stronger and enhanced level of support from the international community in an equal measure. Our vision is to create inclusive and sustained economic growth, eradicate poverty and build strong and resilient society. That is possible only with a strong productive capacity and economic infrastructure to fuel a rapid and inclusive growth in LDCs. Productive capacity development requires sustained and coherent national and international efforts. More resources for investment in productive sectors through targeted measures, development of the private sector, an enhanced level of official development assistance, meaningful market access to all LDC products, removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers, trade capacity enhancement, support for the transfer of technology to LDCs, supportive measures to promote investment through aid for investment, and dedicated measure to LDCs to mitigate multiple crises are critical to promote sustainable development in LDCs and build their resilience. In all these areas, private sector has to play an important role as they are at the center of the productive capacity building efforts. In this context, trade fair and other networking events that have been organized during the conference are worth of our full support. Furthermore, the international community and global architecture should be responsive to the constraints of and opportunities for LDCs. The voice and representation of LDCs should be ensured in all international forums for their effective mainstreaming into the global governance processes.

Mr. Chairman,

A true measure of the success of the international order is how well it looks after the interests and concerns of the weakest and most vulnerable members of the global community. Business as usual is not an option. This conference should give a strong political direction and strategic focus to the concerns and aspirations of LDCs. And our approach to development has to be multi stakeholder within and outside. The civil society and parliaments have to play their due and respective roles in order to make sure that we have inclusive and accountable development process. I would like to appreciate the role played by the civil society track to highlight the cause of the LDCs and for organizing many events during the Conference.

Mr. Chairman,

Let me reiterate that the Istanbul Conference should be a watershed event for the development of LDCs. We have three decades of experience working together as partners in this specific LDC forum. This Conference should come out with an outcome that ensures renewed and robust global solidarity and partnership to uplift the status of the people in the LDCs. There should be a mutual compact. We are willing to do our part more vigorously, as development is our primary responsibility. But we call upon the international community at large to come forward with equal vigour and commitment. We look forward to a targeted and enhanced level of support and cooperation from all, traditional development partners as well as from the more capable developing countries within the framework of South-South Cooperation. We call for bold initiatives and undertakings of the highest order. We are aware that the economic and financial crises of the recent years have called for many economic reforms and cuts in the partner countries. But we believe that this is not the time to reduce support for the LDCs. Ours is an existential challenge as large numbers of people in our countries are struggling even for the basic necessities of life to sustain themselves.

It is with this call for a renewed and strengthened global partnership of a higher order that I wish the Istanbul Conference a real success. And we must make sure that what we agree here is fully implemented with strong monitoring and follow up mechanisms. By 2021, at the least, we would like to see the number of LDCs reduced by half and most of the people in LDCs out of grinding poverty. This is certainly not an unreasonable expectation. Working together, we can do it; we should do it and we should start doing it right from here. The people in the LDCs deserve it, as they have waited long for a real and sustainable change in their lives.

Before concluding, Mr. Chairman, I, in my national capacity, would like to take this opportunity to brief this august gathering about the political transformations of far reaching importance that Nepal has been undergoing since the success of the peaceful People’s Revolution of April 2006. The decade-long conflict came to an end with the signing of a Comprehensive Peace Accord in November 2006. We successfully held the election to the Constituent Assembly in April 2008 after which the last phase of transition is currently underway. In the last five years, we have made determined efforts to institutionalize democracy in the country in an atmosphere of peace, harmony and social justice within the new framework of Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal.

While we are engaging ourselves currently in the task of concluding the peace process through political dialogue, consensus and accommodation, the democratically elected Constituent Assembly consisting of 601 members representing all segments of the Nepalese society, and one third of which is women members, has been fully occupied with an equally important and historic task of writing a new democratic constitution for the country. In view of the very comprehensive nature of the task at hand including the need for restructuring the state along federal lines, while adequately accommodating the wishes and expectations of our people, my Government has been making every effort to build national consensus on issues of peace and constitution in a fully democratic spirit of inclusiveness and participation. Once we have completed these twin tasks of the peace process and writing a new constitution, we will be focusing our undivided attention on economic development and growth with a human face through public-private partnership with a strong cooperative sector as the third pillar of development.

I have had an opportunity to visit the Dolmabahce Palace day before yesterday which reminded me of those formative days in modern Turkish history which led to the establishment of democracy and secularism under the dynamic leadership of the founder of the Turkish republic and its first president Mustapha Kamal Ataturk. We in Nepal are undergoing a similar process of socio-economic and political transformation by replacing monarchy with a democratic republican political order as per the wishes of our people. Let me quote a very visionary remark made by this great leader which is so relevant even today: ‘Almost all nations of the world are related to each other today. So people should think about the peace and prosperity of all nations of the world as much as their own nation’s peace and prosperity.’ Unquote. Let the Istanbul conference be true to these visionary words.

We are grateful to our development partners for their understanding and consistent support to us in our national endeavour for consolidating peace, democracy and development. I would like to take this opportunity to express our grateful thanks to all our friends and well-wishers in the international community who have extended their understanding and support to us in this historic transition.

We are indeed keen to cross the LDC threshold within the shortest possible time. And in the same vein, we also wish that LDC as a typical mark of identity should vanish for good from the global political and economic vocabulary as soon as possible. I am sure with the strong political will and renewed commitments from both the LDCs and the development partners in the international community, this Conference will go a long way in bringing substantial positive change in the conditions of the more than 800 million people living in the LDCs in the coming decade.

Thank you.

A day after Gyanendra Shah left Narayanhiti Palace...

2008-06-11T22:44:00.000-07:00

So, these are the headlines of major broadsheet dailies published from Kathmandu on Thursday.

I came to office little early today and went through major dailies. It was interesting that stated-owned dailies--Gorakhapatra and The Rising Nepal--have not given as much importance as they should have given to the former king's exit from Narayanhiti palace. On Wednesday, Radio Nepal and Nepal Television also did not broadcast former king's press conference live while all private TV channels and FM stations did it from the venue of the conference itself. Since the Ministry of Information and Communication, under whose jurisdiction they work, is headed by the CPN(Maoists), I could guess there must be some sort of directives from Minister Krishna Bahadur Mahara himself in this regard.

Well, the former king Gyanendra left Narayanhiti Palace at about 9:45 pm wednesday amidst tight security. While Gyanendra and his spouse Komal were escorted from the palace to Nagarjuna Durbar, hundreds of people, especially youngsters, were rejoicing the historic moment outside the Palace. There were also some people, mostly elderly men, women and sages, expressing their grief to the abdication of Gyanendra. They were seen crying to their heart.

Unlike what many were apprehensive about things today are ok except serpentine queues seen in front of gas stations in Kathmandu Valley. Even as the government made sharp increase in the prices of petroleum products two days ago, there are no signs of improvement in the supply of petrol, diesel and cooking gas as yet. Looking at the serpentine queue my friends have to be in just for filling four liter petrol, I feel I made a right decision not to get a motorcycle. [During day time I have so many public vehicles on the streets for travel, while in the evening there are office vehicles to drop me to my home! ......silly idea anyway...]

Frustrated over having to be in queue to fill petrol in his two wheeler for hours in scorching sun, one of my colleagues in the office commented, "I have nothing to with republic or monarchy. All I need is the availability of basic things with ease and effective law and order situation. I have no concern at all as to who is in the helm of power---be it Prachanda, Girija, Madhav Kumar or even same old naughty boy Gyanendra!

Adiue Monarchy, king Gyanendra!

2008-06-11T07:54:00.000-07:00

The history of 240-year old institution of monarchy in Nepal came to end with the the ousted king Gyanendra handing over crown and scepter to the Government of Nepal and officially leaving Narayanhiti Palace once and for all on Wednesday. Speaking emotionally to media persons in a hurriedly called press conference in Narayanhiti Palace this evening, former King Gyanendra not only tried to clarify what he said 'baseless' allegation that he and his family members were behind royal massacre in 2058 BS, but also attempted to defend royal coup staged in February 2005 saying that he had no ill intention on that. Amidst report that he was seeking asylum in India, former king Gyanendra also made it clear that he would live in the Motherland Nepal and best serve the interest of nation and people as a whole in the years to come.

Whatever may be the causes, the once highly revered institution monarchy is gone now. The question that crops to my mind is : what next?

Political party leaders, especially Maoists, have assured people that things would witness remarkable improvement once the monarchy is uprooted. Neverthless, I am confused to tackle the question if the monarchy was solely responsible for the backwardness and poverty of Nepalese people? And I do not think the least that declaration of republic alone would help fulfill the desires of ordinary people living in rural areas like Karnali and do away with inherent problems plaguing our society. The real problem our country will have to face when ordinary people living below extreme poverty line are forced to take to the streets again, looking some other alternative. [..if republic too failed to yield any changes for them.]

As a journalist, I have another woe in the new political set up: guarantee of full-fledged democratic excercise in the country. Given the latest remarks of CPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal with regards to media, I am very much apprehensive that the newly emerged communist party would curtail press freedom. I wish that would not take place!

Many would call king Gyanendra was a absolute dictator. But I would not buy that opinion. I am well aware that media under Gyanendra's regime were allowed to write whatever they wished to, except during initial months. I don't know if that would happen under Maoist Chairman Dahal's rule.

It is time to be vigilant over the unfolding political development in the country. Even as I am a die-hard republican, personally, I am not much in the mood to celebrate king's exit from Narayanhiti today. I will celebrate the day only when I am assured that there is guarantee of full-fledged democracy, human rights, individual liberty and most importantly press freedom in the much hyped Federal Democratic Republic of [New] Nepal !

Here is what former king Gyanendra had to say to Nepalese people.

Press statement from former His Majesty Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shahdev, King of Nepal

Dear Nepalese brothers and sisters,

This country which came into being 240 years back as a garden of four castes and thirty-six sub castes as imagined and established by our ancestor His Majesty, the Great King Prithivi Narayan Shah, is going through a period of very serious and sensitive upheaval. It is well known that the Nepalese Monarchy which has always been activised for the people's prosperity and progress has always been working together and cooperating with the happiness and woes of Nepalese people. Burning examples of that are unification, preservation of nationalism, democratization, and modernization through the united efforts of the king and national integrity as equivalent to the value of our lives. Our committed energized feelings towards these values and standards have remained constant from the past and are equally strong in the present and will remain so in the future.

I would like to inform everybody concerned that when seven years back because of an unnatural, unexpected and tragic incident while shouldering the responsibility of Head of the state according to the national heritage and ages of old monarchical traditions, I had no other interests except considerations for the sovereignty, independence, national pride, territorial integrity, peace and institutional development of democratic, and overall progress of all the citizens. In the then Hindu kingdom of Nepal, the birth place of Buddha the efforts started, with the best of intention trying to ensure the peace and prosperity in the country were not successful overtime, which I have already accepted earlier. The chain of events and ensuring results are obvious to everybody like an open book.

I would like to express, with God as my witness, certain things which I couldn't express earlier because of my official responsibilities but which was troubling my inner heart all the time, through you dear journalist friends to my Nepalese brothers and sisters and the international community. May be we should call it a destiny that when I was innocent child, I had neither any wish nor desire nor any possibility of having a distinct role except the compulsion to have to quietly accept the crown. Likewise, for the second time when an unimaginable and horrifying event took place on the night of Jestha 19^th, 2058, I could not express through word my internal pain when I was compelled and tied up by the chains of tradition and duty without being even able to shed tears over the mortal remains of those respected and beloved family members and lighten the burden of pain at the gruesome destruction of my close relatives. Even at that time some people blamed and accused me and my family with great indiscretion and cruelty but we had no alternative but to tolerate that too, nor were there people who spoke on our behalf. Being prejudiced against me and my family members the efforts which were continuously started through different means by taking advantage of those circumstances and events, have been very painful to us and are still so. Other members of Royal family who were wounded and but survived the incident in the Royal Palace are still alive. They are also witness to it. The bullet fragments, which couldn't not be taken out for technical reason are still in the body of my wife who was also wounded and survived. The detailed facts had also come out from the medical doctors involved in their treatment. The high level Royal Investigation Commission had already made public the detailed report about the incident. When all Nepalese people and the Royal Family were overwhelmed with grief, at that time, to level accusations and blame in this way seems to be a strategy to damage the goodwill of the Nepalese people towards the institution of Monarchy and to spread ill will, which was also not compatible with human suffering.

Likewise, I have also heard false rumors about allegations that I have property abroad. All my property is in Nepal. I have no movable or immovable property in foreign lands. The property which had been bequeathed to me from my ancestors, according to Nepalese laws is also not in my name and I have institutionalized it maintaining that property and have only conserved it. During the last seven years neither have I added to any property nor have I taken any actions by which the traditional property of any members of the Royal family. I believe that I would also have rights to maintain private property according to the prevalent laws of Nepal.

Respecting Constitutional Assembly elections and the decision taken by the constituent assembly meeting on Jestha 15^th, I am cooperating in every way towards the successful implementation of that decision. I have not also thought of leaving the country. I would like to leave in my own Motherland and contribute in whatever way possible for greater good of the country and peace in this land. I believe that there will be support from all sectors.

I pledge to be completely dedicated to the independence and territorial integrity of the nation of Nepal which was formed and has remained independent and sovereign because of the blood, sweet and sacrifice of the great ancestors of us Nepalese, wherever and whatever circumstances I may be in. I love the independence of this nation. My feelings and sentiments are that of sanctity, individuality and original values of this independent nation should always be preserved. My heartfelt good wishes are for the overall welfare of the self respecting common Nepalese people.

Today, on this date, I have handed over the Crown and Scepter used by the Kings of Shah dynasty and which has remained as heirloom in this dynasty to the Government of Nepal for safekeeping and protection for ages to come.

Finally, on behalf of my family members and myself, I would like to express my sorrow, if anybody has been inadvertently hurt by actions of my own or of the members of my family while I was working as Head of State for the welfare of Nepal and the Nepalese. I would like to express gratitude to all citizens, constitutional organs, judicial sector, security organizations, civil servants, teachers, professors, students, farmers, laborers, industrialists, businessmen, intellectual youths, religious organizations, journalists, civil society, personnel working in the Royal palace service and all others from different walks of life and all the other associated Nepalese inside and outside Nepal who extended their cooperation to me. I would also like to thank the friendly neighboring countries who have always wished well for Nepal, the international community and representative of diplomatic corps. I would also like to thank the members of the Committees for Security and management recently deputed by the Government of Nepal. I would like to thank the government of Nepal for all the help and cooperation extended to me. I also hope that like now, I would keep on getting the same level of necessary cooperation from the Government of Nepal in the future too.

May Lord Pashupatinath bless us all.

Jaya Nepal

Date: June 11, 2008

Jails that harden young criminals!

2007-12-01T07:20:00.000-08:00

How would there be effective law and order situation in the country when jails that are supposed to reforms criminals only help to make them more committed outlaws? Here is a report.

Anil Tamang of Nagarkot, Bhaktapur, was barely eighteen when he was first caught for stealing. That was in 1996. He was put behind bars for three years for stealing Rs 7,000 and jewelry set from a residence at Sano Gaucharan.

The jail term should have taught Tamang a life-long lesson. But it didn't. Tamang, now 30, has landed in jail five times. And each time he comes out he is a more committed and emboldened robber - his appetite for serious crime growing proportionately.

Tamang's is a typical story of how a young, rookie criminal turns into a hardened and ruthless gangster, thanks to our faulty criminal justice system, lack of correctional centers, unforgiving society, and ever growing unemployment in the country.

Take for instance, our Civil Code, enacted in 1964. The code was formulated with the assumption that crimes are mostly unintentional and individual. "Now crime has become deliberate, organized and hi-tech, and we need up-to-date laws," says Senior Superintendent of Police Upendra Kanta Aryal, chief of Metropolitan Police Crime Division (MPCD), Hanumandhoka.

He has a point. The Civil Code demands full evidence in cases of crime and theft. The police should be able to present the stolen articles or cash for the accused to qualify for full punishment provisioned under law - 12 years of imprisonment in case of dacoity.

"However, in cases such as robbery, mugging and looting we can hardly produce fool-proof evidence in court," argues an official with MPCD, Hanumandhoka. "It is even more difficult to gather evidence when the culprit is nabbed after a considerable period of time," he added. Police argue that things would have been different if courts considered the First Information Reports (FIR) filed by the victims.

Criminals, sadly, are aware of this legal loophole. So they either destroy the evidence or hide it successfully before they are nabbed. The police case then becomes a mere allegation and even if they are convicted in the court of law they get minimum punishment and are freed after some time. Soon they are back in business-as-usual.

This is exactly the lesson from Tamang's case. Just 40 days after he walked out of jail in 1999, he joined a group and broke into a house at Bhimsengola and made off with cash and jewelry worth 100,000 rupees.

Police nabbed him again and his accomplices confessed that he was involved in at least seven burglaries since he was freed.

"As it is difficult to bring sufficient evidence before the court, he is likely to be released again within the next few months," Bharat Bahadur Thapa, a Sub Inspector with MPCD said.

The legal laxity is only a part of the problem, however. The absence of correctional centers for criminals is another reason why individuals relapse into crime once they are freed. What is worse, according to police officials, is that these petty crooks come into contact with notorious criminals. They hear stories of the underworld and the exploits of the veterans, and learn sophisticated crime techniques. The jail, instead of serving as a correctional centre only works to train the amateurs.

Raju Dhanukhe, 25, of Bhimeshwor Municipality-9, Dolakha admitted that when he came into contact with other gangsters while in prison it emboldened him to get involved in major robberies. According to MPCD, Hanumandhoka, Dhanukhe, a goldsmith by profession, was first sent to jail some four years ago on a charge of buying gold jewelry from dacoits.

In the span of four years, he was involved in four separate robberies. "I was kept with notorious burglars and dacoits. In those days in prison we used to talk about how to commit crimes, escape from police and amass wealth," he said.

But the prisons themselves are not to blame for keeping all types of criminals together. Most of the prison buildings date back over 150 years and simply don't have enough room.

According to the Department of Prison Management (), there are some 6,500 inmates currently serving term in 74 prisons around the country. Most of the district prisons outside Kathmandu valley do not have the capacity to accommodate more than 50 inmates at any given time. "We transfer prisoners to the nearest prison when faced with a space problem," said Rudra Khadka, chief of jail administration at the DoPM.

The overcrowded prisons have failed to draw the attention of successive governments even after the restoration of democracy in 1990. When the government has failed to tackle the problem of physical space forget about counseling, training and other correctional measures.

"The budget we get from the government is barely sufficient to cover our regular expenditure and utility bills. We manage with the occasional support of various I/NGOs and other donors for basic improvements," added Khadka.

Our social norms and unforgiving culture are also to blame. Once a person gets involved in petty crime he or she is hardly given a chance to improve. "If my family had not rejected me after my first crime, my life could have taken a different course," laments Tamang.

How much compensation for road accident victims????

2007-12-01T07:14:00.000-08:00

Lack of clear legal provision on road accident victim is also giving rise to the state of anarchy in Nepal. Transitional period, what our leaders often attribute to, alone is not to be blamed for this state.

What determines the punishment for a certain offence? The answer many would say is the law of the land. If you are also one among those holding this belief, think twice for you might be wrong.

It is street justice that is determining the compensation amount for ‘third party’ victims, of road accidents in Nepal. Interestingly, the more pressure the victim’s party is able to exert in the street, the more compensation they are likely to receive from vehicle owners.

Police officials at Nepal Police Headquarters claim that incidents of obstruction of vehicular traffic for higher compensation have shot up in recent months as the existing law does not specifically mention the compensation amount vehicle owners are required to provide those run over by them.

Data at Nepal Police Headquarters said as many as 36 incidents of road obstructions for higher compensation were reported in the last seven months, inconveniencing the public time and again.

According to records at Metropolitan Police Traffic Division (MPTD), Ramshahpath, Kathmandu Valley alone witnessed about half a dozen cases of road obstruction over compensation in that period. The protests had yielded compensation amounts ranging up to Rs 800,000 for the family of the deceased, police said.

This does not mean that there are no laws on this. Of course, there are. But they are all full of contradictions.

As per the Vehicles and Transport Management Regulation 2054 BS, it is mandatory on the part of vehicle owners to get insurance cover of Rs 300,000 for person(s) who could be run over by their vehicles.

However, the Vehicle and Transport Management Act 2049 BS, which is still in force, has provisioned a maximum of Rs 67,000 compensation to the third party in case of an ‘uninsured’ vehicle.

What adds further to the contradiction is a directive Home Ministry issued on June 28. Concerned over the growing instances of demands for exceptionally high compensation amounts, the Ministry had issued a circular to all District Administration Offices (DAOs) across the country not to make vehicle owners pay more than 75,000 ‘if the vehicle has no insurance scheme’.

Traffic officials said they face difficulty in dealing with the cases as the victims’ families demand at least Rs 300,000 as provisioned for ‘third party’ victims in the existing regulations. “They [victim’s family] often resort to street protests as vehicle owners refuse to pay the amount demanded, obstructing vehicular movement on city roads,” said a police official at MPTD.

Experts argue that the genesis of the problem lies in the government’s failure to determine the exact compensation amount for the families of those killed. “The government, on the one hand, has made it mandatory for vehicle owners to have insurance cover worth Rs 300,000 for third party victims, while on the other, it has issued a directive not to make vehicle owners pay more than Rs 75,000,” said a traffic official.

Traffic officials believe that the current Rs 67,000 compensation amount is far less than in the past if the value of today’s currency is taken into account.” A senior traffic police official at MPTD, Ramshahpath said, “The government should review the compensation amount, besides introducing some measures to ensure accountability on the part of drivers.”

Deputy Superintendent of Police Bikash Shrestha at MPTD said failure on the part of the government to strictly implement third party insurance is chiefly to be blamed for this state of affairs. “Had there been strict enforcement of this provision, the ordinary public would not have to undergo unnecessary hassles time and again,” he added.

Khagendra Mani Pokharel, Director General of Department of Transport Management (DoTM), said their efforts to implement the legal provision has failed to yield positive result so far. “Representatives of DoTM, insurers, insurance company and Ministry of Finance sat repeatedly to resolve the problems in the past,” said the chief of the government agency supposed to enforce the provision. “However, all these efforts have proved futile due to protests on the part of transport entrepreneurs.”

Officials at Nepal Transport Entrepreneurs’ National Federation (NTENF) said they have provision of insurance amount of only Rs 100,000 to ‘third party’ casualty and the rest of the amount they have agreed to bear from the concerned transport company. “Compensation amount should be determined by law, not by the mob,” said Ramesh Mahara, officer in-charge of the umbrella organization of all public transport across the country.

Mahara said that transporters are ready to pay the amount as provisioned in the existing laws. “The current government is so ineffective in terms of law and order that we do not think even Rs 300,000 as compensation will solve the problem,” he added

104 bandas after April Uprisings!

With the success of April Uprising people had hoped for peace and stability in the country. But growing stances of general strikes, localized bandas and violence have added hardships in public life and dashed people's hope for peace.

According to data availed by Nepal Police Headquarters, there were altogether 104 national level and localized bandas after the April Uprising in 2006. Of them 9 were Nepal bandas, 7 valley bandas and 30 terai bandas and 58 localized bandas as of November 15.

During the last seven months alone there were 51 incidents of bandas across the country. Dozens of instances of transportation strikes have also added to the woe of the common people. Cases of local people disrupting the vehicular movement for reasons such as simple road accidents have grown phenomenally.

People living in tarai region are facing brunt of such strikes. Entire tarai region remained shut down for as many as 30 days in the past seven months. The region faced additional 5-day shut down due to countrywide bandh called by various agitating parties.

The instances of zonal and district banda is also equally high during the period. Various armed groups including the CPN (Maoist) had called strikes in Siraha and Saptari districts for over five day during the period. Likewise, Limbuwan, Gandak , Chure Bhawar regions remained shut for several days due to strikes called by various disgruntled groups.

Among others, the disgruntled groups calling strikes include various factions of Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM), Madhesi People's Rights Forum, Madhesi Mukti Tigers, Chure Bhavar Ekata Samaj, and various ethnic groups.

Interestingly, there was no single stance of banda during the first five months after the April Uprising. The first valley banda was also called for non-political reason -- it was a banda called by taxi drivers protesting the killing of a cabby in Gwarko.

The first political banda came eight months after the April Uprising when Limbuwans called Nepal banda demanding proportional electoral system and federal republic in 2006 December.

Public property, private usages

2007-04-06T03:54:00.000-07:00

Corruption and misapproation is rampant in Nepal. This starts right from the level of Prime Minister and goes down to the level of lower rung government officials. Recently I found that thousand of government vehicles are being misused by putting red plate numbers in them, making the state liable to pay millions of rupees from its coffer.

Leaders often talk about building a New Nepal. I wonder how is it possible anyway? Our working style has not changed. Our behavior has remained as it was ten years before. It is high time that we uncover such misappropriation and help ensure good governance in this war-torn country.

Here you go my news report published on April 6 edition of The Kathmandu Post.

The red number plates on government vehicles were meant to avoid possible Maoist attacks. With the decade-long armed insurgency coming to an end, the red number plates (used in private vehicles) should have been reverted to white.

Not only has this not happened, but instead more white plates are being converted into red ones 'to facilitate the misuse of public property'. Worse: some who failed to obtain permission from the Home Ministry for a number plate change have had fake ones made.

According to government sources, aides of Prime Minister, ministers and leaders of the major political parties in the ruling Seven Party Alliance (SPA), Chief Secretary, Secretary, Joint Secretary and a few Under Secretaries have had their vehicle number plates changed.

Over 88 vehicles have already changed their white plates into red ones since the April movement, and many others are seeking permission from the Home Ministry.

Keeping in view the possibility of Maoists' making them easy targets, the then government, some five years ago, through a cabinet decision gave permission to change the white number plates into red ones. The Home Ministry provides permission to this effect mostly for a six-month period.

Why is the ministry still providing such permission?

Hari Prasad Nepal, chief of Internal Management Division at the Home Ministry, defends the issuance of such permission: "Our threat assessment has shown that government vehicles continue to be the target of agitators on various pretexts even in recent days."

Drivers of government vehicles are not ready to buy the explanation, however. "There is no such selective threat against government vehicles these days at least in the valley. This is just an excuse to misuse government vehicles for private purposes," said a driver.

The number plate changed vehicles are mostly misused for personal work of their bosses. "We are asked to drive the vehicles for work such as dropping their children to school and their spouse to her mother's house. I feel sad when I am asked to drive a government vehicle on public holiday for the boss's personal work" said a driver.

According to an estimate, about 1,000 government vehicles belonging to different ministries, corporations, security agencies and other state-owned utilities have converted public license plates to private.

Government vehicles are not allowed to be used during public holidays without permission from the secretary of the concerned ministry. "But secretaries and high-ranking officials themselves are forerunners in misusing vehicles," grumbled a junior staff at the Home Ministry.

Informed sources said Department of Road under Ministry of Physical Planning and Works (MoPPW) and Department of Irrigation, Nepal Electricity Authority and Melamchi Drinking Water Project under Ministry of Water Resources are on the top of the list of government agencies misusing red plate numbers.

Interestingly, one of the ministries is now headed by CPN (Maoist)-Ministry of Physical Planning and Work- because of whose fear the number plates were changed into red ones initially.

Public to private after April movement (Just a tip of Iceberg!)

Chief Secretary Bhoj Raj Ghimire (Ba 1 Jha 7238 & Ba 1 Jha 2625) Secretary at NPC Swayambhu Man Amatya Ba 1 Jha 4624 PMO's Secretary Madhav Prasad Poudel Ba 1 Jha 5515 PM's Personal Secretary Diwakar Gautam Ba 1 Jha 5312 PM's chief advisor Suresh Chalise Ba 1 Jha 5517 Purna Bahadur Khadka Ba 1 Jha 7234 Sher Bahadur Deuba Ba 1 Jha 7236 Chairman of Nepal Law Reform Commission Babu Raja Joshi (Ba 1 Jha 4621) Justice Janardan Khadka Ba 1 Jha 7148 Joint secretary at the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supply Niranjan Baral (Ba 1 Jha 5735) Joint Secretary at Ministry of Land Reforms and Managment Rewati Raj Kafle (Ba 1 Jha 7537) Freed Kamaiya Rehabilitation Program chief Chhabi Raj Panta (Ba 1 Jha 3626)